GADAFFI’S EGO AND WESTERN HYPOCRACY

In the theatre of political and economic needs of individual and states in a challenging world of the 20^th and 21^st century. There has been the exhibition of state’s pride or ego and hypocrisy by leaders of nations, which are often seen in the direction of global political and economic perspective. Thus some world leaders have been perceived themselves to be too powerful and influential, causing changes in the world polity, regardless of the sovereignty of other states with resentment by other states.

Consequently, double standard and hypocrisy is the order of the day in the pretence of pursuing morality in the cause of protecting humans race against dictators like Mummar Gaddafi or Libya who have over the years wrapped up the Libyan in a political bondage.

Since the Libyan revolution of 1969, Gaddafi sacked the leadership of the Caliph Omar Abdul Muazu, taking other the ruler-ship of Libya and shifted the political base of Libya from Benghazi to Tripoli. This is sufficient to generate strong opposition over the years within the political arrangement of Libya particularly as the eastern axis is the economic base of the country. But of his autocratic rule repressing the people to remain loyal to his leadership. Though Gaddafi as a stateman is unlike the leaders of many nations, particularly in Africa that have plundered their country’s economic resources and leaving the people in poverty. The Libyan system under Gaddafi has reduced corruption, with good economy Libya has one of the highest income per capita which reflects on the life of the ordinary Libyan. Suffice to say that average Libyan enjoys a high standard of living over the citizens of many countries.

As result of the large Libyan oil reserve and significance of its energy contribution to the world energy particular western energy needs, coupled with the Libyan history of driving the Italians of their north African soil in the 1950s. This have over the years brought pride to Gaddafi and their Libyan people, and has exhibited over blown ego with an air of radicalization, with disrespect for western powers like the United States, Britain and France. Thus he had built a political fortress around himself which eventually leaves Libya to the desires of Western “Political Capture”, which Gaddafi has long prevented.

The human right records of Libya under Gaddafi had not been good, but for fear of opposition and insecurity, the people have been refused the right to information and contacts/association with the rest of the world. He has never pretended over his non acceptance of western democracy as the only alternative system of government; and to him “Democracy is government of deception”, probably by the political class which is often manipulated by the capitalist few against the interest of all.

With over confidence and ego, Gaddafi and his Libyan state has been in near isolation, as his hatred for the US, Britain and France is deep rooted due to their role in world polity and economy, or the far-fetched imperialistic tendencies; and to him in the interest of developing countries and Africa in particular, there is need for them to be rescued from those imperial nations.

Thus he had championed an African Renaissance with the transformation of the Organization of African Unity (OAU) into the African Union (AU), that would summarily promote better political and economic integration amongst African states, thus positioning them to respond to Global economic competitiveness and breaking African countries from imperialistic shackles.

In the area of International Relations the Libyan state foreign policy have often been overwhelmed by Gaddafi hatred for the West, and as a result of his stands cum radical views the Libyan city was attacked by President Roland Reagan of the US in 1987. Libya was also placed on the list of countries supporting terrorism, and even a formal top member of the Libyan government, Mussa Koussa wanted in connexion with the Lockerbie bomb blast in Scotland, and Gaddafi government refused to release him for trial; but rather paid $2.7Billion Dollars as compensations to the families of the victims and Libya was delisted from the list of terrorist countries by the US government.

As a result of the recent Arab revolution in Tunisia, Egypt, Algeria, Barah, Yemen, libya and Syria. The Opposition group protested against Gaddifi government as they want him to step down after 42yrs of being the leader of the Libyan government. And the Libyan government has used force to quell to the protest, killing so many people. This was not particular to Gaddafi’s government in Libya alone, in Barah, Yemen and Syria a lot of protesters has been killed by Government forces in an attempt to quell protest, where their leaders have also spent more than 30yrs in government like Gaddafi.

Yet there is no United Nations resolution against them and why has Gaddafi alone be selected for this conspiracy? All in the pretence of protecting innocent civilians with high propaganda orchestrated by the eastern Libya (Benghazi) based opposition group; with an infiltration of elements of Al Qudae and Taliban, a people who have over the years want to re-write the Libyan history and reposition the power base in Libya back to Benghazi in the east.

While the attack on un-armed protesters by forces loyal to Gaddafi is very wrong and condemnable. But those protesters who took to arm against the Libyan government under Gaddafi were not civilians but rebels, which no responsible government will tolerate and will therefore fight back. But the role the US, France, Britain and NATO to protect the rebels with Ariel bombardment of Gaddafi’s forces and Tripoli has in no small strengthen the rebels and weaken the Gaddafi forces. Ironically, this has led to the deaths of more Libyans and the destruction of properties suggesting that this may not be the most appropriate solution to the crisis in Libya. The recognition and financing of the Libyan opposition from the $32B Dollars of Libyan reserved that was deposited by the Gaddafi led government, this has made it more difficult for a political resolution to the problem. And the question here is, why are those western countries so interested in Libya now than ever before? Could it be due to the oil in Libya, which Gaddafi prevented them from dominating their crude oil market?

While the role of the US, Britain and France may be commended in other areas; their semblance of double standard in this regard have not promoted stability. Now that Gaddafi may likely end as Saddam Hussein of Iraq for failing to be in the good books of the West, this may once again reveal to observers the significance of economic interest behind some supposed margnamity and moral position of some western nations in the polity of other states, and in the world in general.

The western media, a very powerful tool of information and manipulation was used to make the world believed the Saddam Hussein was developing nuclear power which was a threat to world peace and security. But after his death, the world realised that it was not true as Iraq had been wrongly attacked and invaded. Will the end of Gaddafi or the war in Libya not proved to be another needless attack?

the rejection of the position of African leaders on the Libyan crisis on grounds of lack of merit has quickly criticized by some western leaders and the media is not good for the situation. Is this escalated civil war the best alternative? This would have at least saved more lives and reduce the extent of destructions if the powers that be had given it a little consideration.

Presumably, they had concluded on a modus operandi in this regard, hence the manner in which the resolution was passed with Gaddafi playing into their hands. It is therefore imperative now than ever that Gaddafi must step down, but not with the present approach of war, between the forces loyal to Gaddafi and the opposition rebels backed by the West. Therefore a ceasefire needs to be enforced to allow the parties to talk. But how unbiased would the umpires be if there ever will be a ceasefire?

NATO claims of carrying out six thousands Air-raids and not targeting Gaddafi, yet his house and other possible places he may have been have been severally bombarded, which has resulted in the deaths of his son Self Al-Islam and his three grand children.

Where would Gaddafi’s ego and western hypocrisy leads the world to? The aftermath of the war may create a very big problem for Libyans only to realise that they have done more harm than good to themselves and their country, considering the associated monumental losses from the war. And the possibility of being more divided a people along tribal lines after Gaddafi, like the sectarian crisis in Egypt after President Mubarak and Saddam Hussein in Iraq may brew up with eastern Libya likely dominating the western Libya.

If in the same manner and speed, the United Nations had decisively and timely taken decisions against Laurent Gbagbo of Ivory Coast, Charles Taylor of Liberia or the Rwanda Crisis as was the case against Gaddafi in Libya, hundreds and thousands of lives would have been saved. And after the war in Libya, at the point of reconstruction it may be too late for the Libyans to know that there may be some in-reconciliations; who then will be the benefactors?

However, while the United States and other Nations tried to protect and promote their interest like any other, their role in promoting good governance and development among the developing countries of the world cannot be overemphasized. The relative peace enjoyed in the world’s global community could not have been possible, but for the world policing role of the US, which over time had also earned her some hatred.

Western democracy is no doubt the best form of government. All dictators and seat tight rulers should be reminded that their era is gone, and while the US and her ally pursue these objectives, they must also realize that their approach of interference in the political development of other states must meet the challenges of the 21^st century strategic approach; and that a more clinical and strategic efforts should be applicable to reduce huge financial and human loses which also has characterized direct interference such as in Iraq and Libya.

ARAB REVOLUTION AND THE MIDDLE EAST STABILITY

The Arabs in the Middle East and their African brothers woke to protest against the un-democratic and repressive role of their different governments, that have for decades refused to allow their people the rights for self determinations and choice of democratic representation in government. While it is no doubt that the best form of government is democracy and the demonstration by these people have enjoyed the support of all democratic countries in the world.

But from these demonstrations, one may be tempted to ask who are those behind the revolution? Beyond a mere social media orchestrated demonstrations, and what would its implications be to the stability of the Middle East, considering the volatile nature of the region, with so many people falling to the orientation and indoctrinations of fundamentalist, under the pretence of pursuing a course of common good particularly when their position is canvassed with religious (Islamic) flavours.

Of  all the Arab states that were involved in this social media revolution, Tunisia had long settled and things have returned to normal, probably due to the genuineness and the non interference of clandestine groups with an hidden agenda. For several weeks and months the revolutionary dust is yet to settle in countries like, Bahrain, Yemen, Syria and Libya, which have claimed many lives as the individual government of these countries have been using excessive force to quell the demonstrations, yet the people have resolved for a political change in their country irrespective of the personal cost.

While the revolution in Tunisia and Egypt unsuspecting of the generality of the people was achieved by the people’s power over unpopular government, which they have fought on a common front regardless of Coptic Christians, Sunni and shia diversity. But the same cannot be said of Bahrain, Yemen and Syria, which has been caught up in an Islamic denominational difference of the people. Here the minority Sunnis have been responsible for the leadership of these countries in the face of majority  Shia Muslims. The determination of the Shia majority to change the status quo in these countries have been highly resisted.

Thus, strategically  the golf states ironically led by Saudi Arabia sent armed troops into the streets of Barah to protect the government and promote stability from the ever increasing demonstration of the people against their government. This tactical move as orchestrated by the desire of the leadership of the GCC member state is to indirectly protect or insulate themselves and their country from possible protest/demonstration by their citizens. And as a result the Saudi Arabian government had promised an increase in income and social benefit for her citizens  at the very onset of her Shia-led protest.

In defiance the leadership in Bahrain, Yemen and Syria have refused to step down as demanded by the demonstrators for change, which is driven by some religious fundamentalist like the Al Qaeda and Taliban whioh will not guaranty the stability of the region and western interest. Consequently, the United States and her Allies are yet to show any serious commitments to the opposition struggles in these countries except for Syria whose leadership have been anti-US and Israeli interest in the Middle East, suspected of supporting the Hezbollah group in Lebanon agaist the state of Isreal and the assasination of the Isa Karire the Lebanese Priminister in 2006.

The post revolution Egypt and the incessant attacks and killings of Coptic Christians is an indication that Egypt may not be ready for a true democracy that will recognise the right of the minority Coptic Christians. Thus justifying the leadership of former President Hussein Mubarak, whose regime will not tolerate such sectarian violence, indicating the desire of some Islamic fundamentalist in Egypt to perpetuate this act of shame upon the great Egyptian state where the Coptic christians have leave with the Muslims side by side for centuries.

Therefore, this brings to mind that Egypt without a Hussein Mubarak would not guaranty the safety of her 10million Coptic Christians. And whether the other Arab states will be free from such sectarian violence after their revolutions will be left to posterity to judge due to the high sense of theological difference along their Sunni and Shia divide; which may be more difficult to manage if the elements of  fundamentalism as pepetrated the oppositions and their activities are not tamed.

However, with regards to the stability of the Middle East, the move and speed with which the new Egyptian government to want to re-evaluate the energy deal between Egypt and Israel after Mubarak shows that there is a likelihood of weaken relationship with the two countries, coupled with the Palestinian Gaza border issues, which the former government had carefully and diplomatically handled to the disenchantment of many Egyptians for their sympathy towards Palestinian and their sovereign state according to their 1967 borderlines between Israel and Palestine, which the Jewish state of Israel is yet to accept, irrespective of the several demonstrations and border clashes that have left several persons dead.

That the position of the Egyptians governments has always been on grounds of national interest as against expected sentiments and emotions of her citizens in solidarity of Palestine. Therefore, if the fundamentalist elements in Egypt takes control of the government, the sour relationship would not be inevitable and the threat to Middle East, considering the position of Egypt in the Arab world vis-a-vis the 1967 and ’78 conflicts between the two states.

While the Palestine have a right to their homeland and state, but to use the Arab revolution as an inspiration against the state of Israel may be counter-productive as it may not record the same successes achieved by the opposition groups in those Arab state, simply because the background of the struggle behind the uprising are completely different.

This likely conflicts should be handled with care not to snowball into a larger arm struggle in the region to the detriment of world peace. While the US and Britain should increase their efforts to guaranty the Palestinians their land in a more equitable and justifiable manner, with either side committed to concessions for peace and stability of the region without much interferences by external groups to the detriments of a possible solution, which is achievable.

Even at this, it is unfortunate that a lot of Palestinians leaving in other Middle East countries lives with refugees status in those countroes after several decades to the helplessness of the international community to guaranty them their homeland. But suffice to say that of the non assimilation of Palestinians by some of their host countries is reflection of the hardship the Palestinians are facing in those countries, making it difficult for an economic integration of the people.

Rather the sympathy of the other Arab states to the Palestinian course is best demonstrated in their resentment for the Jewish state of Israel, and not the overall welbeing of the Palestinians. Hence the Palestinians and the Israeli two-state solutions to the problem have been politicized by many of the Arab states without corresponding assistance toward the quality of lives of the Palestinians, and the failure to economically integrate them.

The none recognition of the state of Israel make the resolution of the Israeli/Palestine issues more difficult to resolve, that in the face of an intricate and complex nature of the problem; it is not a matter that is beyond the resolution of the international community, only if the parties and their allies would enter the negotiating table with necessary flexibility and concession required; particular as the security of the state of Israel is of grave concern in an Arab dominated Middle East region.

Therefore, it is imperative to know that the hatred for the west by so many Arabs and Islamist is not the way forward in solving the complex problem. Then there must be the need to change the approach towards resolving the Palestinian/Israeli issues, afterall, force and war after decades have not yielded the desired results. All the militant organizations in the Middle East must realise in the interest of peace and the innocent people who often are victims of such arms struggles from their indoctrination.

While it is more imperative than ever that Israel gives up the Palestinian lands and stop building sentiments. The political union between Hamas and Fatah group in Palestine may be a step in the right direction, they must harmonise their positions with a non-violence policy in this regard, and at the same time radical groups and other interest should be moderated.

However, the Arab revolution would probably not guaranty much peace and stability because of the increase in sectarian violence/demonstrations in other Arab states. There is a likelihood of more radicalizations in the region with Coptic Christians and Israel as targets as seen in the recent developments as the Egyptian government is helplessly without any concrete decision and actions to protect the minority Coptic Christians. Therefore it is imperative that the US reviews her policy on the Middle East, and begin to shop for new allies in the event of losing old ones to new radical and fundamental Islamic groups in the government of these countries.

This may probably account for why the US and her allies are yet to take a definite stand against  the government in Bahrain and Yemen, which are prone to falling into the hands of some Fundamentalist radicals and extremist which may be welcomed  by the authorities in Iran against US and other western countries to the detriments of the stability in the Middle East and world peace. That to equate the revolution in some of the Arab countries to protest against the Jewish state of Israel will again likely gravitate into another war in the region.

TOWARDS A MORE EFFICIENT LOCAL GOVERNMENT IN UNITED KINGDOM AND NIGERIA

Local government as a grassroot government closer to the people, it is therefore imperative that they improve in their quality of service delivery. But to achieve this, local government have the necessary available funds to pursue its objectives. Local government are often faced with one limitation or the other, hence there is a continuous needs for reforms to meet the up challenges so as to be able to improved in service delivery; regardless of the location and continents.

Local government as a universal factor in government, serving as an intermediary between the people and the national or central government. Hence the underlined points could serve as a guide to improve local in a comparative view between those in the United Kingdom and Nigeria towards a more representative and proactive local governance.

United Kindgom

Local government reforms should be continued with a view to ensure the best workable model that will promote quality service delivery for the people which is the very essence of local governance.

QUANGO’s – (Quansi- Autonomous, Non- Governmental Organizations) as instruments of local government though interventionist, they should be adequately monitored or supervised to enhance transparency and accountability in the interest of the local people.

The Compulsory Competitive Tendering (CCT) and Best Value for money (BV) tools have been very useful to local government in the United Kingdom, promoting transparency and saving cost, hence the achievement of efficiency and effectiveness. Therefore, they should be periodically reviewed to meet prevailing political, social and economic challenges.

Most reforms are consequent upon political rivalry among parties to promote public patronage and acceptance, the public need to be more careful not to be misdirected by one political party over the other. Reforms should be based on workable policies and programmes anchored on quality service delivery to the generality of the people.

The models of local government systems should be that which will accord more powers to the leaders of the council to improve performance with a more stable tenure because public satisfaction levels with councils is strongest where the leadership is stable and not subject to change.

                                                                                                                                      

Nigeria

State government interference or diversion of federal statutory funds meant for local government should be discourage and the state government should be compelled to give the mandated 10% of their internally generated Revenue to the local governments.

There should be accountability in this local government that officials of the council should be responsible and accountable to the people they claim to represent.

There should be effort to ensure that all local government is financially viable to the extent of their own internally generated revenue rather than over reliance on statutory allocation.

For local government to be able to perform they need to improve on their financial capacity, therefore state government should give up some of their area of generating revenue that are not exclusive to them to the local governments

There should be National Performance Monitoring Indicators to measure local government efficiency and effectiveness. Local authorities should be assessed on the basis of their economy, efficiency and effectiveness (3ES) in their use of available resources.

There should be the application of a standardized regular compulsory Performance Auditing (CPA) for local governments as determinant for financial support from both the federal and State government.

To reduce the financial leakage due to corruption and embezzlement at local government, the councilor, council chairmen and functional head in local government must promote financial responsibility and accountability the situation where local government fund are looted under the guise of on project or contract  must end.

Therefore, there should be the application of Compulsory Competitive Tendency (CCT) for local services and contract with a view to also promote the Best Value (BV) for the money spent by the local government.

It is also of necessity that local government financial transactions should be made public or published quarterly to allow the people opportunity to know how the business of the council is conducted, encourage contributions and partnership with the local people towards development participation.

Emphasis should be on the usage of Development Area Offices (DAO’s) to bring development to more remotes areas in the local government. Local government Areas should be broken into development Centres.

Formulation/implementation of policies and programs of local government should accommodate the contribution of the local people because elected representative can not claim to know all the peculiar problems of the people nor competent enough to take decisions on them.

True democratization and balance polity is very imperatives for the local government rather that mere civilianization of the local government administration. Hence there is the need for electoral reforms to guarantee free and fair elections at the local government devoid of influence/manipulation by the ruling state government party.

Local government under the present federal system in Nigeria is too expensive, wasteful and less effective. Local government in Nigeria should be run under a parliamentary system as against the presidential system of government.

The political system should be flexible enough in the local government to allow for independent candidate in elections to represent the people and also removing representatives that fail to perform.

The idea of using local government fund for political patronage by politician should be stopped and where contracts are awarded, local government officials who verify such before payment should be prosecuted for negligence when such contracts do not meet the required standard.

Without infringing on the autonomy of the local governments in Nigeria there should be stricter supervision of local government by the state governments and encourage in partnership with the local leaders of the council.

COMPARISM OF THE PRE AND POST-INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTION OF NIGERIA

Comparism of the Pre-colonial Constitution with the Post independence constitution of Nigeria, with Characteristic and finding answer to why government of the centre has become so powerful vis –a –vis other tiers of government.

In answering the above question, one may need to know briefly what is a constitution and the entity called Nigeria. A constitution is a body of rules, which regulate the conduct of people and government or organization and its members. But for Nigeria, it is a political entity that is a product of the British colonial rule in this part of West Africa in 1861. The country is made up of people with different ethnic, religions and cultural background before the interruption of their individual social processes. They were autonomous and freed societies or groups with their own peculiar and relative administrative system which were not codified in writing but served the desired purpose of administration.

Until the amalgamation of Nigeria in 1914 by Lord Lugard, established the Nigerian Council the country was administered separately as Northern and Southern protectorate and the Lagos Colony. Under this new arrangement the country was now brought under a central administrative system under the leadership of Lord Lugard as the Governor-General, representing the King of England with the necessary delegated powers to administrate.

The constitutions development of Nigeria  was an evolutionary process of different constitutions before and after the independence. The pre-independence constitutions of Nigeria were body of rules impose on the people by the British government. This, there were agitations by Nigeria elites, opposing the different constitution and style of administration.

NIGERIA PRE-INDEPENENCE CONSTITUTIONS

The Clifford Constitution of 1922: The pre-independence constitution was faced with several review and adjustment for the purpose of administrative convenience. The first pre-independence constitution in Nigerian was the Clifford constitution of 1922. This constitution introduce the elective principle by the town council composed of forty-six members, twenty seven of whom including the governor ere official members of the remaining nineteen in official members fifteen were nominated by the Governor while only four were elected. And three of the elected seats were allocated to Lagos and one to Calabar. In total, there were ten Africans in council and four of them were elected.

Apart from the Legislative council, as advisory body was also established to be known as the executive council with membership of twelve people under Article 4 of the Royal Instruction of 19922. The council had no African as a member until the appointment of two African in the council in 1943.

The constitution supported the division of the Northern and Southern provinces of the protectorate. The legislative council had competence to legislate only on expenditure of money in the Northern provinces. While it was the prerogative of the Governor to legislate for their territory by proclamation.

The Lieutenant Governors of the Northern and southern province were member of the legislative council by virtue of being members of the executive council

Under this constitution, though the legislative was given the power to legislate matters of peace, order and good governance for the colony and southern province of Nigeria, the Executive council wielded by advising the Governor on policies. The unofficial and elected Africans were subject to re-nomination, the member of the Executive council.

The Richard constitution 1946: Prior to the Richard constitution of 1946, there were series of political and economic agitating by Nigerian, propelled by the Nationalist activities propagated by the Nigerian youth Movement particularly by elites who were alienated from participation in their own affair and government by the colonial government. Therefore, there were press propaganda, activities of trade union movements and general strike in 1945.

By I January 1947, the Imperial Order and Council referred to as the Richard Constitution came into force. It was based on a proposal contained in a white paper that was approved by the Nigerian council, amended by the imperial parliaments before passed into law. The object of the Richard constitution where to promote the unity of the country, provide adequately for the desire of diverse elements which made up the country and secure greater participation by Africans in the discussion of their own affairs

This constitution brought the North and South under a single legislative authority for the first time. The good thing about this was that for the first time over 33 years of the formative stage of Nigeria that the North and South were denied a common legislative ground and experiences fundamental for creating a common and united country.

The 1946 constitution provide for an unofficial African Majority in Legislative Council of twenty-five appointed and four elected. Dividing the country into three regions of North. East and west and each of the regions had their legislative council as well as House of chiefs for the northern and western regions.

For the elective principle as introduced by the 1922 constitution the structure was the same, still four elected Africans for Lagos and Calabar and the only difference was that income requirements  for election was reduced to 50 pounds by the election regulation of 1946. under Richard’s constitution the Governor, reserved the power of legislation by certification, suffice to say that if the legislative council refuse measure proposed by Governor and his officials, the constitution create a new council but ways similar to that of the 192, except that in1943 and1949 one Nigeria each was appointed into it as members of the Executive council .Regulation House of Assembly was assigned specific and distinct functions.

The Richard constitution linked the Native Authorities with the Regional Assemblies and through the Regional Assemblies to the Central legislative. It Regional councils were the organs for nominating representative to the legislative council. Regional House of Assembly was assigned specific and distinct functions

Despite some of the progresses that Richard constitution achieve a lot was yet undone, hence the opposition by the Nigeria political elites, who felt, that the constitution was another imposition, aspirations. Executive and Legislative councils were still advisory bodies and the Regional Assemblies had no power to legislate but a mere “deliberating and discussing” assemblies. Ethnicity was further orchestrated in the Nigeria polity due to regionalization of the political structure. And Executive and legislative councils were subject to the control of the imperial parliament.

Undoubtedly, the grievances against the Richard Constitution of 1946 predicated upon its demerit were justifiably supportive of change. The turnout of events after the second. World war of 1945 led to rapid increase in National Movement, and risen in number of educated Nigeria. By 1948 the Richard constitution was truncated.

The McPherson constitution 1951: this was the constitution after Richard constitution; there was debate at a general

The constitution gave legislative authority on specific matters to the Regional houses contrary to that of the Richards constitution. This authority was also limited, as regions had no exclusive competence over matters specifically assigned to it by constitution. While the central legislative had an unlimited power to veto propose legislations at the region .the constitution established Executive councils at regions as well as at the centre, which was later, otherwise called council of Ministers.

The constitution made the Region to greatly depend on the centre .The control of Revenue was according to provision of the Revenue order in council 1951, where payment to the Regions by the centre was stated. Here the second chamber of legislature (House of chiefs) provided in the west a boost to representational government. And for the first time the Nigeria civil service was recognised through the civic service commission.

In the process of constitutional evolution in the pre-independence era, every new constitution was always with the intention to make good the fowl areas of the previous, yet they too were the answer. Thus the McPherson constitution of 1951 was rejected for its numerous defects.

Amongst them was the indirect election of members to the central legislative council, the political crises of the East Regions House Assembly in 1953 raised by Chief Anthony Enahoro. Moreso the McPherson constitution recognised politics instead of centralizing it with the three major political parties i.e. Northern people congress *NPC(, Action Group(AG) and the National council for Nigeria Citizens (NCNC) were only effective in the North, west and east respectively. Simply put it failed to create true federalism.

The Littleton constitution of 1964: this was predicated on failures of the 1951 constitution as a result of the London conference of 1953 and Lagos conference of 1954 .evidently for the first time there was introduction of the principle of separation of power in the Nigeria Government .Governor-General and Governors were no longer part  of legislative, and thus federation was adopted where power was shared for the central and regional government by the constitution and the exclusive  list and Residual list respectively also goes to emphasis it. Office of the speaker and a deputy speaker were created .the council of Minister was compose, Governor-General as president.

Revenue Allocation to regions was on the basis of derivation, Lagos was officially declared as the federal capital Territory. And Nigeria elites were given better opportunities to participate in the Administrative of the country.

NIGERIAN POST-INDEPENDENCE CONSTITUTION

The independence constitution 1960: This was consequent upon the 1958 constitution conference held before independence. It was convenience to consider other reports of the Minorities commission and the Fiscal commission and to consider other matters outstanding attended by various political parties.

Here power was transferred from an appointed Governor-General of the Federation and Governor of Regions to Federal Prime Minister and to Regional Prime Minister. It was not radically different from the 1954 constitution. The Queen of England was still head of the Nigeria government represented by Governor-General Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.

Nigeria became a full-fledged federation with three regions, and there was now a bi-cameral legislature for the three regions with fundamental human rights entrenched in the constitution and emergency powers conferred on the federal government, which it can evoke to declare a state of emergency. The Governor –General appointed as the prime Minister. The leader of the majority party in the House of Representative, Sir Tafawa Balewa of the (NPC) was appointed the first prime minister in Nigeria.

The 1963 constitution: Like other constitution. The 1960 constitution has its defect. After the independence two years later, political crises began to rear its ugly head in Western Region.    

Therefore, the Queen of England under the new Constitution who no longer the Head of state and the constitution established the federal Republican government of Nigeria, the supreme court of Nigeria became the highest court of Appeal instead of the Privy Council in London. The formula for revenue allocation was no longer based on deviation but in need, national interest and even development. Thus a fourth region the Mid-West region was created. And a National Assembly made up of the president, the Senate and the House of Representative was established.

Unfortunately this indigenous republican constitution suffered from the political mechanization and interest of majority groups in the country, which was centred on power control and economics benefit. Northern Nigeria had a large population and territory and no thanks to the colonial constitution. Consequently there was deep rivalry between the ethic and regional  groups. This constitution ended with the first republic due to the Western Region Action Group crisis of 1963, the census of 1962-64, wage labourer strike of 1963, the 1964/65 federal elections and the western region election 1965. Leading to a military overthrow of civilian government in January 15, 1966. This was also due to the lack for constitutionality by political class, there was on separation of power, no checks and balance and the independence of the Judiciary was absent because the judicial service commission no longer appoint judges.

The 1979 constitution:  The imperfection of the 1963 constitution made the people to desire a new constitution, which gave rise to the 1979 constitution, 13 years after military rule that there was a new civilian government in Nigeria. The constitution was drafted by a 49 member committee headed by chief Rotimi Williams in 1975 and was later ratified by the constituent Assembly IN 1978. Its outcome formed the framework for the 1979 constitution. And for the first time in Nigeria this constitution in its preamble and section (2) states that Nigeria shall be an indivisible, in dissolvable sovereign Nation under God.

And to achieve this, the constitution consolidated power at the centre a usual centralizing and standardizing tendencies of a military government; there was a federal constitution for Nigeria while the constitution of the federating states was abolished. With this development the other tires of government now have to organize their governments with the co-ordination of the power at the federal or central government.

Under the 1979 constitution the composition of government or any of its agencies were expected t be done in such a manner that would indicate the federal character of Nigeria, to promote national loyalty and to also prevent any one, group, state, ethnic or religious section from equity and fairness in the country.

The 1979 constitution replace the former parliamentary system of government with the American styled presidential system, providing direct election for the president and state governors and deputies via president and the principle of balance of power was adopted. The following bodies were established by the constitution-the Council of State, National Economic Council, Federal Electoral commission, Federal Civil Service Commission, police Civil Commission, public Complaints Commission, Nigeria Security Organization, National Security Council and National Defense Council.

Amongst a few of the defects f the 1979 constitution was that the presidential system was too expensive to maintain. There were clash of conflict between the executive and the National Assembly. Its impeachment clause was too flexible and had the propensity to lead to instability like the breach in procedure- constitutionally ultra vires action of removing Alhaji Balarabe Musa from office as the then Kaduna State Governors, corruption and abuse of offices were on the increase especially as lobbying was legalized. As a result on December 1983, three months into the second term of the ruling National Party Nigeria (NPN), the government in power at the centre that major-Gen Buhari in a bloodless coup deposed it, and all political activities and the 1979 constitution was suspended.

The 1999 constitution: until 15years later the Nigerian polity was dictated by the military because there was no civilian government. And for the purpose of political transition the present 1999 constitution was evolved. It was an off shot of the supposed 1998 constitution and the 1979 constitution which was nibbed in the bud as a result of the death of Gen. Sani Abacha.

And consequent upon the political agenda of self –succession plot by the late Gen. Sani Abacha, the conference report and the drafted constitution differed so greatly that it was disowned and rejected by the conference delegates. It was after the death of Abacha on June 8 1998 that the new military leader Gen Abdusalam Abubakar quickly re-organised the entire political class to pave away for a democratic government in Nigeria. Hence the appointed a constitution Review Committee headed by Justice Niki Tobi to review the 1998 draft and was passed as law by the Military council on 1999.

Therefore, from the manner in which this constitution was written, the 1999 constitution is yet to find a solution to current intra and inter-governmental relationships, ethnic and other social imbalances in Nigeria.

SUMMARY

There is no doubt that the constitutional development process in Nigeria from pre-independence to the post of era is very interesting; bring to mind the different contributions to the political and administrative progress in Nigeria. The pre-independence constitutions were largely to promote the economic interest of Britain. But until the 1940s that there were growing agitation from the people to participate in decision making process and the self-government. All through this era power of government right from 1922 was centralise even though their colonial administrative representation in the southern protectorate and Lagos colony. Which was due to the desire for power by man and administrative convenience of the colonial government? The power of the centre was a absolute, administrative duties and other function of government was done by regulations.

The principle of separation of power was absent in the pre-independence era .thus the chief executive or Governor-General could seat at the legislative with so much powers to even reject or frustrate laws made by the legislative if not in his interest. The executive council member had an indirect influence over the influence one of the legislative via the Governor-Genera. Executive Council members were appointed into office with the legislative later enjoyed the elective principle as introduced by Richard constitution in 1946.

Effort of the early political parties to have political power in the pre-independence period, their role supported the regionalization of the country along three lines, propagating political domination of the minority by the majority at the regional level while where was still more power in disguise concentrated at the centre, that the central legislative had unlimited powers to veto the legislation from the region. The regions therefore greatly depend on the centre, that he control Revenue was according to the Review order of 1951, were the provision for showing revenue was stated using the principle of derivation.

Upon the consequence of having much power concentrated at the centre, the pre-independence constitution of 1954 did try to arrest the imbalance by providing for the exclusive and resident list defining the areas to which the central government, that of the central government to overrides the regions. Each region was sub-divided into provinces and a further divide into districts where administrative power and authority of government would befell. But with the political and power distribution arrangements in the later years of pre-independent Nigeria government was near a quasi-unitary system even with the introduction of democratic process in the late 1950’s.

There was exercise of excess power at the centre. That government of the federation was given the power to declare state of emergency in any part of the regions if there was brake down of law and other, subject to abuse.

In comparison the post-independence constitutions of Nigeria had no much difference with the pre-independence constitutions visa-avis as it affects the centralization of power at the centre, Except that they were among other reasons purely indigenous. Since it is government objective to have a united and indivisibility entity of Nigeria, the post-independence constitutions have to centralize power at the center. The seceding Eastern Nigeria 1967-70 went that far because of the region structure that aided mobilization at that level.

Like the per-independence constitution of 1963, the 1999 post independence constitution allows the federal government the power to declare a state of emergency in any part of the country. States like the regions have more domestic powers and therefore subjecting themselves to the total submission of the federal or central government.

The arrangement was condemned by the non- Igbos particularly the Hausa’s fear of Igbo domination. And there was a northern counter coup, which removed Gen-Ironsi and brought Gen- Yakubu Gowon. Ironically the power centralization was still the same, but divided the country into twelve state structure abolishing the regions. Suffice to say that this further weakling the regions with the federal military government having more powers.

The 1979 and 1999 constitutions with regards to Exclusive and Concurrent list there further promote a stronger government at the national or centre like the 1963, where the exclusively contain the list of matters that the federal legislative can legislate on exclusively while the concurrent list is for both the National Assembly and well as the individual State Houses of Assembly. But where there are conflict of interest that of the federal government overrides.

The 1979 and 1999 constitution support the land use Act of 1979. Which oust the jurisdiction of any court to amend or review it. This has permitted the financial strength of the federal government were all resources in and beneath the ground belongs to it. This had resulted over the years in the clamour for change in the revenue allocation formula for the country where the federal government receives more than half of the total Revenue received by Nigerian governments. But the federal government justifies its position on the ground that it had more responsibilities than the individual state put together. The internal and external affairs ministries are directly under the control of the federal government to the extent that states cannot directly embark on international relations and businesses without going through federal agencies.

Furthermore the 1999 post independence constitution on security centralized the Nigeria police that no state government have control or can give directive to the police commissioner in their respective state without the federal government involvement. This development has encourage the clamour for state police to bring police commands under each state government, like the pro-independence period of the 1950 when there were regional police

Consequently centralization of both economic and political power at the federal or centre government in Nigeria, people now clamour for power shift and from one political regions to another an alternative to balance the infrastructure and economics imbalance of various disadvantaged states or political zones. Hence the call on the federal government to convene a sovereign national conference to correct the may defects in the Nigerian social, political and economic distributions of the country which federal government is adverse to the fear of balkanization of the Nigeria state.

CONCLUSION

Power in the pre- dependence and the post- independence constitution adjustment or development had not indicated any sincerity on the party of the centre or federal government to divulge power to other tier of government as the federal executive and legislative arm of government had much power o themselves. Suffice to say that no significant change or improvement has been made to practically share power with other tiers of government. Colonial administration and post-independence governments centralize its control of power, supported by the various constitutions

The reasons are to ensure a one and indissoluble stat. but the efforts to unite the people by government with a stronger federal government through it federal character policy of representative is yet to be a panacea for the federating units because development has been very uneven among various states and zones and the poor economic situations of the country. But this notwithstanding, if power must be share adequately between the centre and the federating units, reducing over centralization of power at the centre, the other tiers of government must be ready to increased their responsibilities  and established that more power at the state and local government level would not jeopardize the corporate existence of Nigeria.

THE YOUTH AND OUR SOCIETY

Our youths of today are the leaders of tomorrow they are the most dynamic and productive segment of the population in the country, with about sixty two percent constituting the labour force. They are also a bridge between the young and old in the age distribution of a demographic analysis. Therefore a society that fails to empower and protect its youth cannot socially and economically progress.

In Nigeria the unemployment rate is still very high despite government “rhetorics”of improving the economy. It is highly regrettable that our youths have not been giving their fair share of the wealth of this country, because our political leaders and community elders, have not shown any practical sensibility towards the youths’ interest; since they have always brought their selfish interest before others. And as such the political and economic domination of the youths has always been their agenda.

This explains the social and economic marginalization of the youths. Consequently there is a rise in the agitation for a better future by the youth, resulting in what may be termed a social or political  rebellion against their political leaders in some communities, because they have lost confidence in them. Therefore, our once respectful,  disciplined and hardworking youths have earned some uncomplimentary remarks in a society that has rubbed them of the better part of their life, with little or nothing to show for it.

The attitude of some of these youths are only expressions of their reaction to the unfortunate situation of lack and deprivation that they have found themselves. Relatively youths in this country have played their role in the process of nation building to the extent of their endowment. Rather than the past and present governments complimenting their effort, they rewarded them with neglect.

Also, they can be credited with their immense contribution in the struggle against military dictatorship in this country to enthrone a civilian government. For the purpose of actualizing a democratic government, there were organized demonstrations and enlightenment campaigns, which resulted in the killing of some students and other individuals as a price for good governance, it is important that this should not be forgotten so soon by the people and government of this country.

As a result of their dynamic and active nature, political parties have recognized them such that they have youth leaders as members of their executives at all levels. But, ironically the recognition is not for government to formulate, a practically effective policy in the youth’s interest to arrest the hardship facing them, but  mere theory, after all, at every election youths accounts for a large proportion of the total votes casted.

From all indications youths are not only leaders of tomorrow, but also a coefficient for determining the leadership of this country at whatever level. Unfortunately the youths have not been able to represent themselves adequately, without doing the biding of one leader or the other; even if it is at their own detriment. Hence a social cum political analysis suggests a generational imbalance in our society, upon the face of their limitless advantages: they are the people on the field, campaigning for electoral vote, voting, serving as pooling agents or clerks etc. regrettably many of these youths do not seem to know the implication of supporting the wrong people to hold political offices because of the monetary gratification, which they receive from politicians.

At this juncture, one would not fail to indict our political leaders and elders for he social cum economic hardship suffered by the youths. But the youth must themselves be reminded that they share in this blame that is responsible for the ugly situation confronting them, since they have chosen to be like pawns on the chessboard of the political class. Some of them are bodyguards to bad leaders, thugs and executioners for some politicians, accounting for the series of political assassination in the country.

Incontrovertibly, some of these youths started leaving a life without control at an early age and as such there is the tendency for them to be misdirected and also get themselves involved in campus confraternities and street gangs. As members of such informal groups they are influenced and introduced to drinking, smoking, stealing and the use of hard drugs together with some other social vices, which made them become very violent and aggressive and often involve in fracases with individuals or rival groups resulting in the loss of lives.

This menace can be contemplated in the interest of our society, because it serves as a platform for breeding criminals. Hence government crusade against crime has not been successful and this is not only associated with the ineptitude on the part of government, but the inability of the security agencies to curtail the large turnout of graduates from this informal school of criminals.

Without prejudice, this situation is only expected where majority of the people refuse to be part of the leadership selection process by voting for the right candidates. And eventually to be un-favoured to have irresponsible leaders without the mental and analytical skill to make good projections supportive of good policies and programmes, which has obviously translated into bad government. With reference to Edo State in Nigeria, government policies have not practically favoured any economic growth in the last 15 years, with a baseless retirement of workers in a manner that makes no political or economic sense; workers and pensioners not paid their salaries and entitlement for several months as was in the case of Governor Lucky Nosakhare Igbinedion administration.

Unfortunately, this would encourage decadence in the society since parents and guardians cannot properly cater for the needs and wants of their children and wards as desired. Therefore the ability to effectively enforce discipline become suspect. The consequence of this is manifest in the increase of irresponsible and unproductive youths. This is indicative of an immediate problem, but worst still is the threat to the decency of the existence of the society, because of those who would not only be products of the same society, but be the leaders of tomorrow.

Government inconsistency in planning and policy formulation was made naked, where it is supposed to be the interest of government to ensure a society with an educated and articulate youths to enhance a better labour force. But unfortunately education has been made the exclusive preservation of the rich in Nigeria; considering the exorbitant amount to be paid as school fees both in Federal and State owned tertiary institutions, while the parents and guardians of the students are unfortunately the same workers and pensioners that would not have receive their salaries and other entitlements as when due for months.

Majority of the youths between the ages 20-35 years are the worst hit by this neglect, which is a contradiction of the older generation, that had things working for them; they enjoyed free education, bursary, and even somewhere trained abroad by government, got jobs before graduating from higher school or completing their vocational studies. In fact the economy was good, goods and services were relatively cheap and affordable. But today our youths can hardly find jobs and earn income for themselves, afford to pay for an apartment and get settled in life for obvious reasons.

Some of the youths subjected to this hardship, are those restricted by the social and political dynamics of our society to be unprivileged not to have relatives in the position of advantage or enjoy some form of supernatural benevolence. And only relatives to top public officers to a large extend would be employed, get contracts or enjoy any other economic benefit, and would have no cause to regret the day they were born into this country.

Quite unlike those whose dreams of a better society has become a mirage, since there is yet to be light in the tunnel. This is why some of them that are skilled and unskilled are left with no alternative than to migrate to other countries, where their services may be needed and rewarded because their own country is yet to appreciate their worth’s, regardless of some of the un-dignifying conditions that they may be subjected to in their new country of residence. And to say the least youth patriotism is as good as dead in this country, and this is exhibited in their apathy towards government affairs.

Although one may be tempted to excuse some of these youths for their activities based on the extent of poverty and deprivation in a country with so much wealth. Culminating into the cycle of poverty among them and manifesting a social class war in our society, responsible for the craze for wealth, because of the value the society itself attaches to it, regardless of the genuineness of it source. And to make a case for them simply because of illiteracy is a baseless postulation. Illiteracy cannot justify their irresponsible and indecent acts.

Without any form of prejudice some of the literate youths can best be described as collaborators with politicians resulting in bad governments, because not a few of them had had the opportunity to serve their people politically in different capacities and the activities left much is to be desired while holding public offices, with their disregard for procedures and show of shame. They end up promoting the old order since they could not deviate from the selfish and individualistic ideology of a few, rich and powerful cabals in our society that are instrumental to their political achievement.

Well, because of the over bearing effect of the social and economic hardship on the youths, they have lost the confidence of government and political leaders hence the culture of political violence and the quest for radical change is on the increase, as they desire a better future.

It is therefore imperative that for the realization of our youths’ desire, the vulnerability of youths, to the exploitation of the political cabals, contractors and jobbers must be frustrated and brought to an end by ensuring that their activities are guided by moral decency and good conscience, in our own interest and that of the society at large. Because a continual reliance on these discredited politicians, as political directional compasses is a path to destruction. The youths in Nigeria must therefore vehemently make a statement in their interest and the generation yet unborn for a relative wealth distribution and a better society.  

PROBLEMS CONNECTED WITH LOCAL GOVERNMENT REFORMS IN THE UNITED KINGDOM AND NIGERIA

Some of the problems confronting local government reforms in the area of raising revenue/ finance and democratization in the United Kingdom and Nigeria regardless of the input towards making local government more effective and efficient; would be highlighted below in the interest of making local government more responsive and efficient, particularly in a global competitive world; irrespective of regions and continents as they are often face with relative common problems.

United Kingdom

As a consequence of the Reforms, local discretion and variation has diminished and local government policies and programmes are often guided.

There is the emphasis on control by the central government i.e interestingly  an area block grant to local government are based upon central governments assessment of its spending requirements. The nationalization of the non – democratic values, the reduction in the preparation of local government finance raised locally and the increase in a specific grants from central government by mid 1990’s local government had minimum control and discretion  over how it resources are used.

Attempts by successive government to rationalize the local government have met with considerable resistance particularly where local people perceived that the community or area they identify with will be renamed or changed.

There is increasing number of local government function transferred from elected local councils to special purpose agencies and organization called QUANGOS (Quasi Autonomous, non-governmental Organizations) faced with the problem of accountability.

Local government’s reforms in the United Kingdom are politicized due to rivalry of the two majority parties’ Conservative and Labour party for political patronages. For example while labour favour the modernization of the antiquated system of local democracy in Britain the Conservatives and Liberal democrats hugely were against it, it was almost doomed from the outset with hostile local media skeptical voters routinely rejecting the proposal.

A major challenge for local government operators is how to average the-never adequate resources available to them to discharge allotted function and make expected impact as autonomous tiers of government.

There is the problem of what to decide as the best leadership model for local governments in the United Kingdom- either a directly elected mayor and cabinet on four years mandate, or a leader and cabinet elected by council itself for four years mandate.

Under the new Act, council can simply resolve to move to an elected mayor system by a vote of full council without need for approval in referendum this will limit the extent of the generality of the people to participate in decisions concerning local government model that will be adopted.

The multiple local government structure in the United Kingdom hinder the general applicability of reforms objectives. thus large metropolitan councils such as  Birmingham and Manchester adopted the new system not backwater local authorities such as Hartlepool and Mansfield.

Nigeria

In Nigeria there is an apparent unawareness of local people in the importance of tax payment. The result has been tax evasion and consequently low reforms achievement. Revenue generating source in the local government are often contracted to political associates for political patronage and revenue generated are under declared to the detriment of the local government. (Oshodi, D., 2005, p.61).

There is the paucity of qualified staff to carry out the activities of the council in this regards. And as such illiterate and semi literate are employed as revenue collectors without the basic required rudimentary training in human relations.

Seasonal inaccessibility of roads in majority of the local government that are largely rural in nature results in the  inability of tax collectors to reach the interest or areas, which constitute the  main agricultural producing areas, there by losing significant sum of money to the affected area.

Despite reforms revenue generation in the local government is very poor, the council areas do not have the necessary size to generate revenue from, because Local governments were arbitrarily created by past military government without considering their economic viability.

Grafts and corruptions of public officials hinder reforms successes. There is probably no level and institution of government where corruption is as wide spread in diluted and unambiguous as the local government. ( Aghayere, p. 193) .

In the face of non provision of welfare service to the locality yet public officials siphon and mismanage local government’s funds. Council fiscal allocation is shared among local government officials and top party members, political god-fathers with fictitious and unexecuted contracts (Oshodi, p. 61).

State – interference – the overshadowing interference in local government affairs by their respective state governments constitutes another problem. Apart from fluctuation in state grants to local government there has been the slashing of various amounts due them.

Reforms recognized the local government as the third tier of government in Nigeria but this has not guarantee its financial autonomy in the true sense with state government supervision/control of the federal grants due them for other purposes.

There is also the assumption of function by the state government which stifles the finances of the local government for the fact that they have been left with difficult areas to raise revenues. In this regards J.A. Egonmwan has argued that “ from the appropriation of technical function by state government, the state government has  acquired the more in creative elastic and collectible revenue source (e.g. water rate, motor vehicle, license fee, building plans) leaving local government with taxation with low ceiling, revenues which are administrative and politically difficult to exploit in an environment where vast majority  of the people are poor, self-employed and dispersal in the rural areas” leaving local governments with low revenue base.

The councilors who are elected and supervisors where appointed. Put together are found to be ill-prepared for the jobs they found themselves in the local government (Aghayere, V.O., 1997, p.153)

Political Reforms of the local government that was to usher in representation and democratic process in the local government have not been able to satisfactory achieve this objective, particularly as elected officials are largely not the choice of the people.

The political mechanisms do not guarantee accountability. There is political corruption at the local government which involves illegal pursuant or misuse of public office and electoral corruption which includes the purchase of votes with money or promise of office and special favour plus intimidation and interference with the freedom to vote according to one’s conscience (Aghayere, p.154).

Opposition parties to the state governments’ cannot win elections at the local government since it is the state government that appoints Electoral Officer for local government elections.

As noted by Braithwalt “ government in Nigeria are imposed in the guise of charade elections characterized with massive vote and electoral fraud resulting in disentrancing  the bulk of the populace” (The Nation Thursday, May 21, 2009) “Democracy  is meaningless if devoid of visible free, fair and transparent elections. What is on ground, so far is not democracy.

Local governments in Nigeria are not effective and efficient, and even the supervisory role of the state governments is yet to translate into quality leadership and better services for the local people.